Twitter’s fear of making hard decisions is killing it
?Why does Twitter move so slowly
It’s a question that has been on my mind since Monday, as we watched the company belatedly tiptoe into enforcement of its guidelines against inciting violence. It came up again Thursday, as we saw the company move — a staggering six years after first promising to do so — to significantly restrict the capabilities of third-party apps.
Nothing defines Twitter so thoroughly as its bias toward inaction. In February, Bloomberg’s Selina Wang diagnosed the problem in an article titled “Why Twitter can’t pull the trigger on new products.” Largely, Wang’s reporting laid the blame at the feet of CEO Jack Dorsey.
Dorsey’s leadership style fosters caution, according to about a dozen people who’ve worked with him. He encourages debate among his employees and waits — and waits — for a consensus emerge. As a result, ideas are often debated “ad nauseum” and fail to come to fruition. “They need leadership that can make tough decisions and keep the ball rolling,” says a former employee who left last year. “There are a lot of times when Jack will instead wring his hands and punt on a decision that needs to be made quickly.”
This view closely tracks my own discussions with current and former employees. They’ve described for me the regular hack weeks that take place at Twitter, in which employees mock up a variety of useful new features, almost none of which ever ship in the core product
It’s true that Twitter has fewer employees, and less money, than its rivals at Facebook. And even its recent glacial pace of development is arguably faster than it was under previous CEO Dick Costolo.
But time and again, Twitter’s move-slow-and-apologize ethos gets it into trouble. Today’s action against third-party apps illustrates the problem.
Once upon a time, Twitter let people build whatever kind of Twitter apps they wanted to. For a brief, shining time, Twitter was a design playground. Developers making Twitter apps invented new features, such as “pull to fresh” and account muting, that became industry standards.
Then, in 2012, Twitter reversed course. Under Costolo, the company decided that its feature lay in Facebook-style feed advertising, which meant consolidating everything into a single native app it could control.
But rather than kill off third-party apps for good, it introduced a series of half-measures designed to bleed them out slowly: denying them new features, for example, or capping the number of users they could acquire by limiting their API tokens. While this spared some amount of yelling in the short term, the move — which was still hugely unpopular with a vocal segment of the user base — needlessly prolonged the agony.
Even after today’s action, third-party apps aren’t dead. They can no longer send push notifications, and their timelines will no longer refresh automatically — making them useless to people like me who, as a Tweetbot user, relies on a waterfall of tweets cascading down my screen each day to stay in touch with the day’s news. (As of today I am, God help me, a Tweetdeck user.)
The fate of the third-party apps is a relatively small concern for Twitter; the overwhelming majority of its user base uses the flagship app. They are going to die eventually, but Twitter refuses to kill them off once and for all. It’s a prime example of how the company, when presented with an obvious decision, goes out of its way to avoid making it.
That’s why I’ve been baffled this week by Dorsey’s media tour, in which he has sought to explain the company’s ambivalent approach to disciplining Alex Jones. Over the past week, Twitter found that Jones violated its rules eight times, then gave him a one-week suspension in which he could still read tweets and send direct messages.
Here is how Dorsey described that process to The Hill’s Harper Neidig:
Again, presented with an obvious decision, Twitter declines to make it. Then, even more surprisingly, it suggests the problem is that it hasn’t clearly articulated its own policies — when, in fact, it articulated perfectly clear policies online, to the point that CNN’s Oliver Darcy was able to use them to identify the very instances of rule-breaking that eventually got Jones into trouble.
On Wednesday, Jack Dorsey told the Washington Post that he is ”rethinking the core of how Twitter works.“ And yet the company’s history suggests that it hasn’t failed for lack of thinking. The problem, rather, is that thinking has so often served as a substitute for action.
DEMOCRACY
Kate Conger and Daisuke Wakabayashi get their hands on a letter signed by 1,400 Googlers protesting the development of a censored search engine and news app. This is shaping up to be a major conflict. Google won’t comment — censorship is considered a state secret in China, so discussing it could scuttle the company’s plans — but as a result, these employees get to define the narrative with no pushback from Google itself.
Lokman Tsui, Google’s head of free expression for Asia and the Pacific from 2011 to 2014, takes a look at Google’s plans for a censored search engine. “This is just a really bad idea, a stupid, stupid move,” he tells Ryan Gallagher. “I feel compelled to speak out and say that this is not right.” Tsui goes on:
Gallagher also reports on an essay written by former Googler Brandon Downey, who worked on the original censored Google search engine:
Late on Wednesday, following a dire report on its handling of ethnic conflict in Myanmar, Facebook posted an “update” on its work there. Players of talking-points bingo will find “we were slow to act,” “we’re hiring more people,” and “we have more work to do” all represented. But here’s something I didn’t know about Facebook’s problems in Myanmar — they’re exacerbated by a font display issue:
Amid criticism that the company was hosting several blogs that harassed the victims of Sandy Hook shootings, WordPress parent Automattic changed company policy on Thursday and began shutting down those blogs. Sarah Perez reports that WordPress policy now prohibits “malicious publication of unauthorized, identifying images of minors.”
The latest entity to de-platform Alex Jones — besides WordPress — is the Federal Communications Commission, reports Gary Dinges. (It’s not clear what connection if any, this station actually has to Jones.)
Issie Lapowsky profiles the Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensics Research Lab, which is tasked with explaining the origins of misinformation online. Facebook is leaning heavily on the group as it works to understand the influence campaign that is now unfolding on the service:
ELSEWHERE
Believe it or not, “Snap is the new Twitter” used to be considered something of a hot take. But the numbers don’t lie: it’s another company that vacillates between slow growth and outright decline, Tom Dotan reports:
Silicon Valley immigration advocacy group FWD.us, which seems to have dramatically underperformed expectations, recently invested millions of dollars in reuniting separated families of migrants, Heather Kelly reports. Good for FWD.
Bryan Menegus was served 319 online ads one Tuesday in July, costing advertisers about $2.69, he estimates.
LAUNCHES
Facebook is now suggesting resources to people who search for fentanyl and other opioids, as well as removing more drug dealers from search results, Josh Constine reports.
TAKES
Olivia Solon is not impressed with Facebook’s recent statements about its work in Myanmar:
AND FINALLY ...
Revcontent makes one of those awful chum boxes that attach to the bottom of more reputable news stories enticing you to learn about one weird trick to cure belly fat, or 12 former child stars who now look terrible, or whatever. After Buzzfeed’s Craig Silverman asked them about various fake news stories contained in their chum boxes, Revcontent grudgingly removed a few of them — but not before denouncing Buzzfeed itself as fake news.
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